State Department, Washington, DC
...
12:15 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.
Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you very much. Thank you. Please, have a seat.
Thank you very much. I want to begin by thanking Hillary Clinton, who has
traveled so much these last six months that she is approaching a new landmark
-- one million frequent flyer miles. (Laughter.) I count on Hillary every
single day, and I believe that she will go down as one of the finest
Secretaries of State in our nation’s history.
The State Department is a
fitting venue to mark a new chapter in American diplomacy. For six months, we
have witnessed an extraordinary change taking place in the Middle East and
North Africa.
Square by square, town by town, country by country, the people
have risen up to demand their basic human rights. Two leaders have stepped
aside. More may follow. And though these countries may be a great distance from
our shores, we know that our own future is bound to this region by the forces
of economics and security, by history and by faith.
Today, I want to talk about
this change -- the forces that are driving it and how we can respond in a way
that advances our values and strengthens our security.
Now, already, we’ve done much
to shift our foreign policy following a decade defined by two costly conflicts.
After years of war in Iraq, we’ve removed 100,000 American troops and ended our
combat mission there. In Afghanistan, we’ve broken the Taliban’s momentum, and
this July we will begin to bring our troops home and continue a transition to
Afghan lead. And after years of war against al Qaeda and its affiliates, we
have dealt al Qaeda a huge blow by killing its leader, Osama bin Laden.
Bin Laden was no martyr. He
was a mass murderer who offered a message of hate –- an insistence that Muslims
had to take up arms against the West, and that violence against men, women and
children was the only path to change. He rejected democracy and individual
rights for Muslims in favor of violent extremism; his agenda focused on what he
could destroy -– not what he could build.
Bin Laden and his murderous
vision won some adherents. But even before his death, al Qaeda was losing its
struggle for relevance, as the overwhelming majority of people saw that the
slaughter of innocents did not answer their cries for a better life. By the
time we found bin Laden, al Qaeda’s agenda had come to be seen by the vast
majority of the region as a dead end, and the people of the Middle East and
North Africa had taken their future into their own hands.
That story of
self-determination began six months ago in Tunisia. On December 17th, a young
vendor named Mohammed Bouazizi was devastated when a police officer confiscated
his cart. This was not unique. It’s the same kind of humiliation that takes
place every day in many parts of the world -– the relentless tyranny of
governments that deny their citizens dignity. Only this time, something
different happened. After local officials refused to hear his complaints, this
young man, who had never been particularly active in politics, went to the
headquarters of the provincial government, doused himself in fuel, and lit
himself on fire.
There are times in the course
of history when the actions of ordinary citizens spark movements for change
because they speak to a longing for freedom that has been building up for
years. In America, think of the defiance of those patriots in Boston who
refused to pay taxes to a King, or the dignity of Rosa Parks as she sat
courageously in her seat. So it was in Tunisia, as that vendor’s act of
desperation tapped into the frustration felt throughout the country. Hundreds
of protesters took to the streets, then thousands. And in the face of batons
and sometimes bullets, they refused to go home –- day after day, week after
week -- until a dictator of more than two decades finally left power.
The story of this revolution,
and the ones that followed, should not have come as a surprise. The nations of
the Middle East and North Africa won their independence long ago, but in too
many places their people did not. In too many countries, power has been
concentrated in the hands of a few. In too many countries, a citizen like that
young vendor had nowhere to turn -– no honest judiciary to hear his case; no
independent media to give him voice; no credible political party to represent
his views; no free and fair election where he could choose his leader.
And this lack of
self-determination –- the chance to make your life what you will –- has applied
to the region’s economy as well. Yes, some nations are blessed with wealth in
oil and gas, and that has led to pockets of prosperity. But in a global economy
based on knowledge, based on innovation, no development strategy can be based
solely upon what comes out of the ground. Nor can people reach their potential
when you cannot start a business without paying a bribe.
In the face of these
challenges, too many leaders in the region tried to direct their people’s
grievances elsewhere. The West was blamed as the source of all ills, a
half-century after the end of colonialism. Antagonism toward Israel became the
only acceptable outlet for political expression. Divisions of tribe, ethnicity
and religious sect were manipulated as a means of holding on to power, or
taking it away from somebody else.
But the events of the past six
months show us that strategies of repression and strategies of diversion will
not work anymore. Satellite television and the Internet provide a window into
the wider world -– a world of astonishing progress in places like India and
Indonesia and Brazil. Cell phones and social networks allow young people to
connect and organize like never before. And so a new generation has emerged. And
their voices tell us that change cannot be denied.
In Cairo, we heard the voice
of the young mother who said, “It’s like I can finally breathe fresh air for
the first time.”
In Sanaa, we heard the
students who chanted, “The night must come to an end.”
In Benghazi, we heard the
engineer who said, “Our words are free now. It’s a feeling you can’t explain.”
In Damascus, we heard the
young man who said, “After the first yelling, the first shout, you feel
dignity.”
Those shouts of human dignity
are being heard across the region. And through the moral force of nonviolence,
the people of the region have achieved more change in six months than
terrorists have accomplished in decades.
Of course, change of this
magnitude does not come easily. In our day and age -– a time of 24-hour news
cycles and constant communication –- people expect the transformation of the
region to be resolved in a matter of weeks. But it will be years before this
story reaches its end. Along the way, there will be good days and there will bad
days. In some places, change will be swift; in others, gradual. And as we’ve
already seen, calls for change may give way, in some cases, to fierce contests
for power.
The question before us is what
role America will play as this story unfolds. For decades, the United States
has pursued a set of core interests in the region: countering terrorism and
stopping the spread of nuclear weapons; securing the free flow of commerce and
safe-guarding the security of the region; standing up for Israel’s security and
pursuing Arab-Israeli peace.
We will continue to do these
things, with the firm belief that America’s interests are not hostile to
people’s hopes; they’re essential to them. We believe that no one benefits from
a nuclear arms race in the region, or al Qaeda’s brutal attacks. We believe
people everywhere would see their economies crippled by a cut-off in energy
supplies. As we did in the Gulf War, we will not tolerate aggression across
borders, and we will keep our commitments to friends and partners.
Yet we must acknowledge that a
strategy based solely upon the narrow pursuit of these interests will not fill
an empty stomach or allow someone to speak their mind. Moreover, failure to
speak to the broader aspirations of ordinary people will only feed the
suspicion that has festered for years that the United States pursues our
interests at their expense. Given that this mistrust runs both ways –- as
Americans have been seared by hostage-taking and violent rhetoric and terrorist
attacks that have killed thousands of our citizens -– a failure to change our
approach threatens a deepening spiral of division between the United States and
the Arab world.
And that’s why, two years ago
in Cairo, I began to broaden our engagement based upon mutual interests and mutual
respect. I believed then -– and I believe now -– that we have a stake not just
in the stability of nations, but in the self-determination of individuals. The
status quo is not sustainable. Societies held together by fear and repression
may offer the illusion of stability for a time, but they are built upon fault
lines that will eventually tear asunder.
So we face a historic
opportunity. We have the chance to show that America values the dignity of the
street vendor in Tunisia more than the raw power of the dictator. There must be
no doubt that the United States of America welcomes change that advances
self-determination and opportunity. Yes, there will be perils that accompany
this moment of promise. But after decades of accepting the world as it is in
the region, we have a chance to pursue the world as it should be.
Of course, as we do, we must
proceed with a sense of humility. It’s not America that put people into the
streets of Tunis or Cairo -– it was the people themselves who launched these
movements, and it’s the people themselves that must ultimately determine their
outcome.
Not every country will follow
our particular form of representative democracy, and there will be times when
our short-term interests don’t align perfectly with our long-term vision for
the region. But we can, and we will, speak out for a set of core principles –-
principles that have guided our response to the events over the past six
months:
The United States opposes the
use of violence and repression against the people of the region. (Applause.)
The United States supports a
set of universal rights. And these rights include free speech, the freedom of
peaceful assembly, the freedom of religion, equality for men and women under
the rule of law, and the right to choose your own leaders -– whether you live
in Baghdad or Damascus, Sanaa or Tehran.
And we support political and
economic reform in the Middle East and North Africa that can meet the
legitimate aspirations of ordinary people throughout the region.
Our support for these
principles is not a secondary interest. Today I want to make it clear that it
is a top priority that must be translated into concrete actions, and supported
by all of the diplomatic, economic and strategic tools at our disposal.
Let me be specific. First, it
will be the policy of the United States to promote reform across the region,
and to support transitions to democracy. That effort begins in Egypt and
Tunisia, where the stakes are high -– as Tunisia was at the vanguard of this
democratic wave, and Egypt is both a longstanding partner and the Arab world’s
largest nation. Both nations can set a strong example through free and fair
elections, a vibrant civil society, accountable and effective democratic
institutions, and responsible regional leadership. But our support must also
extend to nations where transitions have yet to take place.
Unfortunately, in too many
countries, calls for change have thus far been answered by violence. The most
extreme example is Libya, where Muammar Qaddafi launched a war against his own
people, promising to hunt them down like rats. As I said when the United States
joined an international coalition to intervene, we cannot prevent every
injustice perpetrated by a regime against its people, and we have learned from
our experience in Iraq just how costly and difficult it is to try to impose
regime change by force -– no matter how well-intentioned it may be.
But in Libya, we saw the
prospect of imminent massacre, we had a mandate for action, and heard the
Libyan people’s call for help. Had we not acted along with our NATO allies and
regional coalition partners, thousands would have been killed. The message
would have been clear: Keep power by killing as many people as it takes. Now,
time is working against Qaddafi. He does not have control over his country. The
opposition has organized a legitimate and credible Interim Council. And when
Qaddafi inevitably leaves or is forced from power, decades of provocation will
come to an end, and the transition to a democratic Libya can proceed.
While Libya has faced violence
on the greatest scale, it’s not the only place where leaders have turned to
repression to remain in power. Most recently, the Syrian regime has chosen the
path of murder and the mass arrests of its citizens. The United States has
condemned these actions, and working with the international community we have
stepped up our sanctions on the Syrian regime –- including sanctions announced
yesterday on President Assad and those around him.
The Syrian people have shown
their courage in demanding a transition to democracy. President Assad now has a
choice: He can lead that transition, or get out of the way. The Syrian
government must stop shooting demonstrators and allow peaceful protests. It
must release political prisoners and stop unjust arrests. It must allow human
rights monitors to have access to cities like Dara’a; and start a serious
dialogue to advance a democratic transition. Otherwise, President Assad and his
regime will continue to be challenged from within and will continue to be
isolated abroad.
So far, Syria has followed its
Iranian ally, seeking assistance from Tehran in the tactics of suppression. And
this speaks to the hypocrisy of the Iranian regime, which says it stand for the
rights of protesters abroad, yet represses its own people at home. Let’s
remember that the first peaceful protests in the region were in the streets of
Tehran, where the government brutalized women and men, and threw innocent
people into jail. We still hear the chants echo from the rooftops of Tehran.
The image of a young woman dying in the streets is still seared in our memory.
And we will continue to insist that the Iranian people deserve their universal
rights, and a government that does not smother their aspirations.
Now, our opposition to Iran’s
intolerance and Iran’s repressive measures, as well as its illicit nuclear
program and its support of terror, is well known. But if America is to be
credible, we must acknowledge that at times our friends in the region have not
all reacted to the demands for consistent change -- with change that’s
consistent with the principles that I’ve outlined today. That’s true in Yemen,
where President Saleh needs to follow through on his commitment to transfer
power. And that’s true today in Bahrain.
Bahrain is a longstanding
partner, and we are committed to its security. We recognize that Iran has tried
to take advantage of the turmoil there, and that the Bahraini government has a
legitimate interest in the rule of law.
Nevertheless, we have insisted
both publicly and privately that mass arrests and brute force are at odds with
the universal rights of Bahrain’s citizens, and we will -- and such steps will
not make legitimate calls for reform go away. The only way forward is for the
government and opposition to engage in a dialogue, and you can’t have a real
dialogue when parts of the peaceful opposition are in jail. (Applause.) The
government must create the conditions for dialogue, and the opposition must
participate to forge a just future for all Bahrainis.
Indeed, one of the broader
lessons to be drawn from this period is that sectarian divides need not lead to
conflict. In Iraq, we see the promise of a multiethnic, multisectarian
democracy. The Iraqi people have rejected the perils of political violence in
favor of a democratic process, even as they’ve taken full responsibility for
their own security. Of course, like all new democracies, they will face
setbacks. But Iraq is poised to play a key role in the region if it continues
its peaceful progress. And as they do, we will be proud to stand with them as a
steadfast partner.
So in the months ahead,
America must use all our influence to encourage reform in the region. Even as
we acknowledge that each country is different, we need to speak honestly about
the principles that we believe in, with friend and foe alike. Our message is
simple: If you take the risks that reform entails, you will have the full
support of the United States.
We must also build on our
efforts to broaden our engagement beyond elites, so that we reach the people
who will shape the future -– particularly young people. We will continue to
make good on the commitments that I made in Cairo -– to build networks of
entrepreneurs and expand exchanges in education, to foster cooperation in
science and technology, and combat disease. Across the region, we intend to
provide assistance to civil society, including those that may not be officially
sanctioned, and who speak uncomfortable truths. And we will use the technology
to connect with -– and listen to –- the voices of the people.
For the fact is, real reform
does not come at the ballot box alone. Through our efforts we must support
those basic rights to speak your mind and access information. We will support
open access to the Internet, and the right of journalists to be heard -–
whether it’s a big news organization or a lone blogger. In the 21st century,
information is power, the truth cannot be hidden, and the legitimacy of
governments will ultimately depend on active and informed citizens.
Such open discourse is
important even if what is said does not square with our worldview. Let me be
clear, America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be
heard, even if we disagree with them. And sometimes we profoundly disagree with
them.
We look forward to working
with all who embrace genuine and inclusive democracy. What we will oppose is an
attempt by any group to restrict the rights of others, and to hold power
through coercion and not consent. Because democracy depends not only on elections,
but also strong and accountable institutions, and the respect for the rights of
minorities.
Such tolerance is particularly
important when it comes to religion. In Tahrir Square, we heard Egyptians from
all walks of life chant, “Muslims, Christians, we are one.” America will work
to see that this spirit prevails -– that all faiths are respected, and that
bridges are built among them. In a region that was the birthplace of three
world religions, intolerance can lead only to suffering and stagnation. And for
this season of change to succeed, Coptic Christians must have the right to
worship freely in Cairo, just as Shia must never have their mosques destroyed
in Bahrain.
What is true for religious
minorities is also true when it comes to the rights of women. History shows
that countries are more prosperous and more peaceful when women are empowered.
And that’s why we will continue to insist that universal rights apply to women
as well as men -– by focusing assistance on child and maternal health; by
helping women to teach, or start a business; by standing up for the right of
women to have their voices heard, and to run for office. The region will never
reach its full potential when more than half of its population is prevented
from achieving their full potential. (Applause.)
Now, even as we promote
political reform, even as we promote human rights in the region, our efforts
can’t stop there. So the second way that we must support positive change in the
region is through our efforts to advance economic development for nations that
are transitioning to democracy.
After all, politics alone has
not put protesters into the streets. The tipping point for so many people is
the more constant concern of putting food on the table and providing for a
family. Too many people in the region wake up with few expectations other than
making it through the day, perhaps hoping that their luck will change.
Throughout the region, many young people have a solid education, but closed
economies leave them unable to find a job. Entrepreneurs are brimming with
ideas, but corruption leaves them unable to profit from those ideas.
The greatest untapped resource
in the Middle East and North Africa is the talent of its people. In the recent
protests, we see that talent on display, as people harness technology to move
the world. It’s no coincidence that one of the leaders of Tahrir Square was an
executive for Google. That energy now needs to be channeled, in country after
country, so that economic growth can solidify the accomplishments of the
street. For just as democratic revolutions can be triggered by a lack of
individual opportunity, successful democratic transitions depend upon an
expansion of growth and broad-based prosperity.
So, drawing from what we’ve
learned around the world, we think it’s important to focus on trade, not just
aid; on investment, not just assistance. The goal must be a model in which
protectionism gives way to openness, the reigns of commerce pass from the few
to the many, and the economy generates jobs for the young. America’s support
for democracy will therefore be based on ensuring financial stability,
promoting reform, and integrating competitive markets with each other and the
global economy. And we’re going to start with Tunisia and Egypt.
First, we’ve asked the World
Bank and the International Monetary Fund to present a plan at next week’s G8
summit for what needs to be done to stabilize and modernize the economies of
Tunisia and Egypt. Together, we must help them recover from the disruptions of
their democratic upheaval, and support the governments that will be elected
later this year. And we are urging other countries to help Egypt and Tunisia
meet its near-term financial needs.
Second, we do not want a
democratic Egypt to be saddled by the debts of its past. So we will relieve a
democratic Egypt of up to $1 billion in debt, and work with our Egyptian
partners to invest these resources to foster growth and entrepreneurship. We
will help Egypt regain access to markets by guaranteeing $1 billion in borrowing
that is needed to finance infrastructure and job creation. And we will help
newly democratic governments recover assets that were stolen.
Third, we’re working with
Congress to create Enterprise Funds to invest in Tunisia and Egypt. And these
will be modeled on funds that supported the transitions in Eastern Europe after
the fall of the Berlin Wall. OPIC will soon launch a $2 billion facility to
support private investment across the region. And we will work with the allies
to refocus the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development so that it
provides the same support for democratic transitions and economic modernization
in the Middle East and North Africa as it has in Europe.
Fourth, the United States will
launch a comprehensive Trade and Investment Partnership Initiative in the
Middle East and North Africa. If you take out oil exports, this entire region
of over 400 million people exports roughly the same amount as Switzerland. So
we will work with the EU to facilitate more trade within the region, build on
existing agreements to promote integration with U.S. and European markets, and
open the door for those countries who adopt high standards of reform and trade
liberalization to construct a regional trade arrangement. And just as EU
membership served as an incentive for reform in Europe, so should the vision of
a modern and prosperous economy create a powerful force for reform in the
Middle East and North Africa.
Prosperity also requires
tearing down walls that stand in the way of progress -– the corruption of
elites who steal from their people; the red tape that stops an idea from
becoming a business; the patronage that distributes wealth based on tribe or
sect. We will help governments meet international obligations, and invest
efforts at anti-corruption -- by working with parliamentarians who are
developing reforms, and activists who use technology to increase transparency
and hold government accountable. Politics and human rights; economic reform.
Let me conclude by talking
about another cornerstone of our approach to the region, and that relates to
the pursuit of peace.
For decades, the conflict
between Israelis and Arabs has cast a shadow over the region. For Israelis, it
has meant living with the fear that their children could be blown up on a bus
or by rockets fired at their homes, as well as the pain of knowing that other
children in the region are taught to hate them. For Palestinians, it has meant
suffering the humiliation of occupation, and never living in a nation of their
own. Moreover, this conflict has come with a larger cost to the Middle East, as
it impedes partnerships that could bring greater security and prosperity and
empowerment to ordinary people.
For over two years, my
administration has worked with the parties and the international community to
end this conflict, building on decades of work by previous administrations. Yet
expectations have gone unmet. Israeli settlement activity continues.
Palestinians have walked away from talks. The world looks at a conflict that
has grinded on and on and on, and sees nothing but stalemate. Indeed, there are
those who argue that with all the change and uncertainty in the region, it is
simply not possible to move forward now.
I disagree. At a time when the
people of the Middle East and North Africa are casting off the burdens of the
past, the drive for a lasting peace that ends the conflict and resolves all
claims is more urgent than ever. That’s certainly true for the two parties
involved.
For the Palestinians, efforts
to delegitimize Israel will end in failure. Symbolic actions to isolate Israel
at the United Nations in September won’t create an independent state.
Palestinian leaders will not achieve peace or prosperity if Hamas insists on a
path of terror and rejection. And Palestinians will never realize their
independence by denying the right of Israel to exist.
As for Israel, our friendship
is rooted deeply in a shared history and shared values. Our commitment to
Israel’s security is unshakeable. And we will stand against attempts to single it
out for criticism in international forums. But precisely because of our
friendship, it’s important that we tell the truth: The status quo is
unsustainable, and Israel too must act boldly to advance a lasting peace.
The fact is, a growing number
of Palestinians live west of the Jordan River. Technology will make it harder
for Israel to defend itself. A region undergoing profound change will lead to
populism in which millions of people -– not just one or two leaders -- must
believe peace is possible. The international community is tired of an endless
process that never produces an outcome. The dream of a Jewish and democratic
state cannot be fulfilled with permanent occupation.
Now, ultimately, it is up to
the Israelis and Palestinians to take action. No peace can be imposed upon them
-- not by the United States; not by anybody else. But endless delay won’t make
the problem go away. What America and the international community can do is to
state frankly what everyone knows -- a lasting peace will involve two states
for two peoples: Israel as a Jewish state and the homeland for the Jewish
people, and the state of Palestine as the homeland for the Palestinian people,
each state enjoying self-determination, mutual recognition, and peace.
So while the core issues of
the conflict must be negotiated, the basis of those negotiations is clear: a
viable Palestine, a secure Israel. The United States believes that negotiations
should result in two states, with permanent Palestinian borders with Israel,
Jordan, and Egypt, and permanent Israeli borders with Palestine. We believe the
borders of Israel and Palestine should be based on the 1967 lines with mutually
agreed swaps, so that secure and recognized borders are established for both
states. The Palestinian people must have the right to govern themselves, and
reach their full potential, in a sovereign and contiguous state.
As for security, every state
has the right to self-defense, and Israel must be able to defend itself -– by
itself -– against any threat. Provisions must also be robust enough to prevent
a resurgence of terrorism, to stop the infiltration of weapons, and to provide
effective border security. The full and phased withdrawal of Israeli military
forces should be coordinated with the assumption of Palestinian security
responsibility in a sovereign, non-militarized state. And the duration of this
transition period must be agreed, and the effectiveness of security
arrangements must be demonstrated.
These principles provide a
foundation for negotiations. Palestinians should know the territorial outlines
of their state; Israelis should know that their basic security concerns will be
met. I’m aware that these steps alone will not resolve the conflict, because
two wrenching and emotional issues will remain: the future of Jerusalem, and
the fate of Palestinian refugees. But moving forward now on the basis of
territory and security provides a foundation to resolve those two issues in a
way that is just and fair, and that respects the rights and aspirations of both
Israelis and Palestinians.
Now, let me say this:
Recognizing that negotiations need to begin with the issues of territory and
security does not mean that it will be easy to come back to the table. In
particular, the recent announcement of an agreement between Fatah and Hamas
raises profound and legitimate questions for Israel: How can one negotiate with
a party that has shown itself unwilling to recognize your right to exist? And
in the weeks and months to come, Palestinian leaders will have to provide a
credible answer to that question. Meanwhile, the United States, our Quartet
partners, and the Arab states will need to continue every effort to get beyond
the current impasse.
I recognize how hard this will
be. Suspicion and hostility has been passed on for generations, and at times it
has hardened. But I’m convinced that the majority of Israelis and Palestinians
would rather look to the future than be trapped in the past. We see that spirit
in the Israeli father whose son was killed by Hamas, who helped start an
organization that brought together Israelis and Palestinians who had lost loved
ones. That father said, “I gradually realized that the only hope for progress
was to recognize the face of the conflict.” We see it in the actions of a
Palestinian who lost three daughters to Israeli shells in Gaza. “I have the
right to feel angry,” he said. “So many people were expecting me to hate. My
answer to them is I shall not hate. Let us hope,” he said, “for tomorrow.”
That is the choice that must
be made -– not simply in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but across the
entire region -– a choice between hate and hope; between the shackles of the
past and the promise of the future. It’s a choice that must be made by leaders
and by the people, and it’s a choice that will define the future of a region
that served as the cradle of civilization and a crucible of strife.
For all the challenges that
lie ahead, we see many reasons to be hopeful. In Egypt, we see it in the
efforts of young people who led protests. In Syria, we see it in the courage of
those who brave bullets while chanting, “peaceful, peaceful.” In Benghazi, a
city threatened with destruction, we see it in the courthouse square where
people gather to celebrate the freedoms that they had never known. Across the
region, those rights that we take for granted are being claimed with joy by
those who are prying lose the grip of an iron fist.
For the American people, the scenes of upheaval in the region may be unsettling, but the forces driving it are not unfamiliar. Our own nation was founded through a rebellion against an empire. Our people fought a painful Civil War that extended freedom and dignity to those who were enslaved. And I would not be standing here today unless past
generations turned to the moral force of nonviolence as a way to perfect our
union –- organizing, marching, protesting peacefully together to make real
those words that declared our nation: “We hold these truths to be self-evident,
that all men are created equal.”
Those words must guide our
response to the change that is transforming the Middle East and North Africa -–
words which tell us that repression will fail, and that tyrants will fall, and
that every man and woman is endowed with certain inalienable rights.
It will not be easy. There’s no straight line to progress, and hardship always accompanies a season of hope.
But the United States of America was founded on the belief that people should
govern themselves. And now we cannot hesitate to stand squarely on the side of
those who are reaching for their rights, knowing that their success will bring
about a world that is more peaceful, more stable, and more just.
Thank you very much,
everybody. (Applause.) Thank you.
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